“Finally”
may well be the response of the vast majority of South Africans who have no
vested interest in corruption and fraud, to government’s “name and shame”
initiative to expose fraudsters.
On Sunday,
Justice Minister Jeff Radebe released the names of 42 people from
across the country who have been convicted of fraud against the
government. Given what the public has come to know through media reports
about the extent of the fraud by government officials, those named represent
the tip of the iceberg of the scourge of criminal activity by those in
positions of trust in the public service.
Radebe’s department
says the 42 were linked to priority cases which were fast-tracked because of
the huge amounts involved. But a staggering 3600 government officials have been
convicted of defrauding the state in the past financial year alone, with a
combined financial value reaching R1 billion.
Such a
tsunami of corruption in the public sector – and focusing on corruption in
this sector does not exonerate private sector fraud - has serious
consequences for our country. The analysis underpinning the National
Planning Commission’s work identifies “rising corruption” as
among key indicators of a declining country.
It was a
notable feature of earlier post-apartheid governments that the policies which
were developed took account of global best practice. This is best exemplified
by our constitution, the envy of democrats in many jurisdictions. It became
patently clear, however, that government’s ability – and desire - to apply policy
evenly and consistently was sorely lacking.
An example
of good policy is the law which probably underpinned the convictions
thatRadebe disclosed, the Prevention and Combating of Corrupt
Activities Act. This legislation has many useful features, including the
register of tender defaulters. It was passed in 2004, yet apparently it has
taken almost a decade for it to have any significant, widespread effect.
Sadly,
today, it cannot even be argued that government policy will always be in the
best interests of the majority – and fully recognise all the basic rights of
minorities. Special interests, perverse self-aggrandisement and party political
policy blind spots have put paid to that. As a result, it is not unreasonable
to fear that weak policy formulation will combine with feeble application of
the policy to ensure continued, wanton plundering of State resources.
Radebe’s department
has correctly stated that these corrupt officials earn huge salaries
even as they defraud the government entities employing them. As disgusted
as we must be by the direct loss to the fiscus of their actions, it
is the potentially more deleterious impact on the progress of service delivery
in our country which must alarm all South Africans.
When
resources are diverted into the pockets of crooked officials and their
associates, it is the poorest of the poor who suffer, as the provision of
a host of services is severely curtailed or completely dumped.
Absent the
schemes to steal obscene amounts of money from the public purse, our citizenry
way well have been more understanding – up to a point - of
government’s faltering efforts to change their parlous conditions. But the
large-scale evidence of fraud and corruption over almost two decades of
democracy has seriously undermined the faith of ordinary citizens in
our democratic process and put paid to any patience that disadvantaged
South Africans mayhave had that their lot will change.
An ethical
disposition was at the heart of the Batho Pele (people first)
principle which government applied for a period and then booted out and there
must be renewed efforts to promote virtuous service in our public sector.
In
addition, there are signs – for example, Transparency International’s
Corruption Perception Index – that South Africa
In his
Budget speech this year, Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan made an
astoundingly defeatist admission: Efforts to combat corruption in the State
procurement system had “too many points of resistance” and officials’ failed
efforts to staunch the illegal outflow of State funds had “yielded rich
pickings for those who seek to exploit it”. Well, of course it had. Did he or
anyone else in the democratic government seriously think fighting corruption –
like any other initiative of a post-apartheid regime - was simply going to be a
walk in the park?
(Ironically,
that speech also linked corruption and the need to address employee grievances
in the R71.4 million allocation to the Public Service Commission.)
Human
Rights Watch has raised the importance of governments holding all
representatives of the state subject to the rule of law. In South Africa
So, there
are sufficient reasons to fully support signs of a flexing
of muscles by government towards those
who willy nilly divert resources from the poorest of the poor to
their own well-lined pockets.
However, a
caveat to this support is necessary: Unless corruption is tackled at the
highest levels of the government and not simply confined to functionaries in
the bureaucracy, efforts to change our society through naming and shaming
or any other initiative, will be hamstrung.Governments – to coin a phrase – rot
from the top. And, yes, Nkandlagate in all its aspects,does come
to mind.
Importantly,
politicians must also be held accountable for incidents of crime which happen
on their watch within their ambit of
responsibility. Self- or party-serving executives at local, provincial and
national levels who pursue vulgar cronyism must be held accountable.Anything
less will not rid our country of this collective shame of corruption.
Gordhan also
said in his Budget speech that there are “too many people who have a stake in
keeping the system the way it is”.
Damn right. - Ray Hartle
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